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| Of amendments and chickens: another 'win' for social conservatives |
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| There is a wonderful old joke about a guy who complains to a psychiatrist friend about his delusional brother who thinks himself a chicken. “Bring him in and I’ll cure him,” says the psychiatrist. “Oh, no,” replies the horrified man. “I need the eggs.” Republican social conservatives must be able to sympathize. Compared to how their champions on Capitol Hill spent this week shepherding the doomed anti-gay marriage amendment through the inevitable congressional gauntlet, coaxing a crazy man to lay eggs would seem a stunningly fruitful activity. Not to mention one harboring a greater chance of success. Some on the far right fringes may have been a bit disconnected lately from the firmament of political realism but no one was so far in orbit as to believe that this week’s proposed amendment to ban gay unions actually had the remotest chance of garnering the two-thirds Senate vote necessary to … well … necessary to probably fail in the House, which, I understand, is planning a similar exercise in futility next month. The best supporters of the measure could hope for was a simple majority - and in the end they didn’t even get that. So passage wasn’t the point. Not that the point was all that clear anyway. From the level of heated rhetoric many conservatives employ on this issue you’d swear wild gangs of nuptial-crazed homosexuals were roaming the streets busting down church doors, looting bridal stores and forcing reception caterers to make gallons of Chicken Florentine at gunpoint. But such isn’t reality. The most powerful argument for allowing gays to wed continues to be the most obvious. It’s entirely innocuous and affects no one but the two people involved. Unlike subjects such as economics or taxes - pocketbook issues which elicit easily-understandable emotions like greed and avarice - the unaccountably high feelings raised by gay marriage have never been fully comprehended by liberals who simply don’t know what the big deal is about two adults who just want to get themselves hitched. So personal interest wasn’t the point. Pragmatism was another question. Emerging from hiding to give his weekly radio address, President Bush himself admitted that 45 of 50 states have already banned same sex marriage anyway. In any event, clergy that marry gay couples aren’t going to stop simply because the state doesn’t recognize the institution, nor is anyone likely to reorient their bedroom tastes because Congress tells them they ought to. So practicality wasn't the point. So what was this little chunk of political theater about? What was so important that the world’s most august legislative assemblage felt the need to spend days debating an amendment everyone knew would fail and whose purpose was to prohibit an activity that’s already illegal in order to protect marriage from people who want to get married. Hmmm… when things stop making sense, start smelling around for the rank odor of politics. You’ll usually find it. Ah, there it is… “The federal marriage amendment debate simply is an opportunity for us to affirm our support for marriage,” said Sen. John Thune (R-SD). “It is an important debate to have in this country.” Indeed. And it seems to be a very, very important debate to have in even-numbered years. To put it mildly, Thune’s colleagues are facing a tough election cycle with the conservative foot soldiers of the Republican base in a mood to start fragging the officers. Hence, if any of this Republican bloviating seems familiar, that’s because, like most of history, it’s happened before. Unlike most of history however, it hasn’t the decency to be ancient and forgotten. The GOP dipped heavily into this well only two short years ago. Yet rigor mortis hadn’t even set in on the 2004 election’s corpse when the issue suddenly fell deader than a Kerry stump speech. After spending half the campaign proclaiming his unyielding support for the amendment, Bush shoved it to the back burner. Sure, the religious right is handy to have at the ballot box. But such folk are expected to sit quietly when actual policy is being made. Meanwhile, Thune, Bush and the GOP continued to be staunch supporters of the effort to ban gay unions - with much the same type of staunch support Americans show towards going on a diet and losing 20 pounds - and much the same results. Everyone may talk a good game, but somebody’s still keeping McDonald’s in business. What’s most interesting, of course, is not that the social conservatives are being bought by this obvious bit of pandering. After all, ideological groups are always for sale. They don’t call it the marketplace of ideas for nothing. No, what’s most interesting is that the asking price is so bargain-basement low. The move to ban gay marriage carries virtually no political risk for the GOP. Short of ruffling the feathers of a few Log Cabin Republicans, this effort costs almost as little as it achieves. In fact, save for a few conservative judicial appointments - and the righties had to battle even for those (”Ms. Miers, line one, its the president…”) - the social conservatives agenda has gained surprisingly little ground over the past few years. At best, they might manage the overturning of Roe v. Wade - the sort of Holy Grail of social conservatism - but even that lofty achievement would simply send the issue back to the states while politicizing an abortion debate that the Republican leadership would probably prefer stay quietly in the judicial arena where the Pro- Choice wing of the party feels safe. In reality, the most notable triumphs of social conservatism seem to be nothing more than a string of vague, legislative wheel-spinning sessions: flag- burning amendments that fail, gay marriage amendments that go nowhere, pointless renamings of the national Christmas tree, futile efforts to prolong Terri Schiavo’s life. Everyone may enjoy sticking pins in the liberal voodoo doll but little real world legislative work is ever done - and virtually none is even tried until election time forces the RNC to break out the breads and circuses. So the question remains: How long will the culture warriors of the right continue to be satisfied with these sorts of symbolic “victories” that never seem to win anything? It may be awhile. Decades ago George Orwell’s “1984″ predicted that war would eventually become both utterly continuous and tactically pointless, with the ultimate object being “not to make or prevent conquests of territory, but to keep the structure of society intact.” Applied to a political context one can hardly see a more appropriate paradigm for the Republican Party. Like Oceania, the GOP’s war on liberalism seems far more geared towards controlling the troops than towards controlling the liberals. As for the soldiers of social conservatism itself, the Republican Party may not be what they thought or hoped it was. It may fail constantly to implement their agenda. It may often not even make the attempt. But in the end, what else can they do? Where else can social conservatives go? The Republican Party may not be a chicken, but they need the eggs. |
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